CRITOby Plato Translated by Benjamin Jowett
PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE:
Socrates, Crito. SCENE: The Prison
of Socrates. SOCRATES: Why have
you come at this hour, Crito? it must be quite early. CRITO: Yes,
certainly. SOCRATES: What is
the exact time? CRITO: The dawn is
breaking. SOCRATES: I wonder
that the keeper of the prison would let you in. CRITO: He knows me
because I often come, Socrates; moreover.
I have done him a kindness. SOCRATES: And are you
only just arrived? CRITO: No, I came
some time ago. SOCRATES: Then why
did you sit and say nothing, instead of at once awakening me? CRITO: I should not
have liked myself, Socrates, to be in such great trouble and unrest as you are—indeed
I should not: I have been watching with
amazement your peaceful slumbers; and for that reason I did not awake you,
because I wished to minimize the pain. I
have always thought you to be of a happy disposition; but never did I see
anything like the easy, tranquil manner in which you bear this calamity. SOCRATES: Why,
Crito, when a man has reached my age he ought not to be repining at the
approach of death. CRITO: And yet
other old men find themselves in similar misfortunes, and age does not prevent
them from repining. SOCRATES: That is
true. But you have not told me why you
come at this early hour. CRITO: I come to
bring you a message which is sad and painful; not, as I believe, to yourself,
but to all of us who are your friends, and saddest of all to me. SOCRATES:
What? Has the ship come from CRITO: No, the ship
has not actually arrived, but she will probably be here to-day, as persons who
have come from Sunium tell me that they have left her there; and therefore
to-morrow, Socrates, will be the last day of your life. SOCRATES: Very
well, Crito; if such is the will of God, I am willing; but my belief is that
there will be a delay of a day. CRITO: Why do you
think so? SOCRATES: I will
tell you. I am to die on the day after
the arrival of the ship? CRITO: Yes; that is
what the authorities say. SOCRATES: But I do
not think that the ship will be here until to-morrow; this I infer from a
vision which I had last night, or rather only just now, when you fortunately
allowed me to sleep. CRITO: And what was
the nature of the vision? SOCRATES: There
appeared to me the likeness of a woman, fair and comely, clothed in bright raiment, who
called to me and said: O Socrates, ‘The third day hence to fertile Phthia shalt thou go.’ (Homer, Il.) CRITO: What a
singular dream, Socrates! SOCRATES: There can
be no doubt about the meaning, Crito, I think. CRITO: Yes; the
meaning is only too clear. But, oh! my beloved Socrates, let me entreat you once more to take my
advice and escape. For if you die I
shall not only lose a friend who can never be replaced, but there is another
evil: people who do not know you and me
will believe that I might have saved you if I had been willing to give money,
but that I did not care. Now, can there
be a worse disgrace than this—that I should be thought to value money more than
the life of a friend? For the many will not
be persuaded that I wanted you to escape, and that you refused. SOCRATES: But why,
my dear Crito, should we care about the opinion of the many? Good men, and they are the only persons who
are worth considering, will think of these things truly as they occurred. CRITO: But you see,
Socrates, that the opinion of the many must be regarded, for what is now
happening shows that they can do the greatest evil to any one who has lost
their good opinion. SOCRATES: I only
wish it were so, Crito; and that the many could do the greatest evil; for then
they would also be able to do the greatest good— and what a fine thing this
would be! But in reality they can do
neither; for they cannot make a man either wise or foolish; and whatever they
do is the result of chance. CRITO: Well, I will
not dispute with you; but please to tell me, Socrates, whether you are not
acting out of regard to me and your other friends: are you not afraid that if you escape from
prison we may get into trouble with the informers for having stolen you away,
and lose either the whole or a great part of our property; or that even a worse
evil may happen to us? Now, if you fear
on our account, be at ease; for in order to save you, we ought surely to run
this, or even a greater risk; be persuaded, then, and do as I say. SOCRATES: Yes,
Crito, that is one fear which you mention, but by no means the only one. CRITO: Fear not—there
are persons who are willing to get you out of prison at no great cost; and as
for the informers they are far from being exorbitant in their demands—a little
money will satisfy them. My means, which
are certainly ample, are at your service, and if you have a scruple about
spending all mine, here are strangers who will give you the use of theirs; and
one of them, Simmias the Theban, has brought a large sum of money for this very
purpose; and Cebes and many others are prepared to spend their money in helping
you to escape. I say, therefore, do not hesitate
on our account, and do not say, as you did in the court (compare Apol.), that
you will have a difficulty in knowing what to do with yourself anywhere
else. For men will love you in other
places to which you may go, and not in SOCRATES: Dear
Crito, your zeal is invaluable, if a right one; but if wrong, the greater the
zeal the greater the danger; and therefore we ought to consider whether I shall
or shall not do as you say. For I am and always have been one of those
natures who must be guided by reason, whatever the reason may be which upon
reflection appears to me to be the best; and now that this chance has befallen
me, I cannot repudiate my own words: the
principles which I have hitherto honoured and revered I still honour, and
unless we can at once find other and better principles, I am certain not to
agree with you; no, not even if the power of the multitude could inflict many
more imprisonments, confiscations, deaths, frightening us like children with
hobgoblin terrors (compare Apol.). What
will be the fairest way of considering the question? Shall I return to your old argument about the
opinions of men?--we were saying that some of them are to be regarded, and
others not. Now were we right in
maintaining this before I was condemned?
And has the argument which was once good now proved to be talk for the
sake of talking—mere childish nonsense?
That is what I want to consider with your help, Crito:--whether, under
my present circumstances, the argument appears to be in any way different or
not; and is to be allowed by me or disallowed.
That argument, which, as I believe, is maintained by many persons of
authority, was to the effect, as I was saying, that the opinions of some men
are to be regarded, and of other men not to be regarded. Now you, Crito, are not going to die
to-morrow—at least, there is no human probability of this, and therefore you
are disinterested and not liable to be deceived by the circumstances in which you
are placed. Tell me then, whether I am
right in saying that some opinions, and the opinions of some men only, are to
be valued, and that other opinions, and the opinions of other men, are not to
be valued. I ask you whether I was right
in maintaining this? CRITO: Certainly. SOCRATES: The good
are to be regarded, and not the bad? CRITO: Yes. SOCRATES: And the
opinions of the wise are good, and the opinions of the unwise are evil? CRITO: Certainly. SOCRATES: And what
was said about another matter? Is the
pupil who devotes himself to the practice of gymnastics supposed to attend to
the praise and blame and opinion of every man, or of one man only—his physician
or trainer, whoever he may be? CRITO: Of one man
only. SOCRATES: And he
ought to fear the censure and welcome the praise of that one only, and not of
the many? CRITO: Clearly so. SOCRATES: And he
ought to act and train, and eat and drink in the way which seems good to his
single master who has understanding, rather than according to the opinion of
all other men put together? CRITO: True. SOCRATES: And if he
disobeys and disregards the opinion and approval of the one, and regards the
opinion of the many who have no understanding, will he
not suffer evil? CRITO: Certainly he
will. SOCRATES: And what
will the evil be, whither tending and what affecting, in the disobedient
person? CRITO: Clearly,
affecting the body; that is what is destroyed by the evil. SOCRATES: Very
good; and is not this true, Crito, of other things which we need not separately
enumerate? In questions of just and
unjust, fair and foul, good and evil, which are the subjects of our present
consultation, ought we to follow the opinion of the many and to fear them; or
the opinion of the one man who has understanding? ought
we not to fear and reverence him more than all the rest of the world: and if we desert him shall we not destroy and
injure that principle in us which may be assumed to be improved by justice and
deteriorated by injustice;--there is such a principle? CRITO: Certainly
there is, Socrates. SOCRATES: Take a
parallel instance:--if, acting under the advice of those who have no
understanding, we destroy that which is improved by health and is deteriorated
by disease, would life be worth having?
And that which has been destroyed is—the body? CRITO: Yes. SOCRATES: Could we
live, having an evil and corrupted body? CRITO: Certainly
not. SOCRATES: And will
life be worth having, if that higher part of man be destroyed, which is
improved by justice and depraved by injustice?
Do we suppose that principle, whatever it may be in man, which has to do
with justice and injustice, to be inferior to the body? CRITO: Certainly
not. SOCRATES: More
honourable than the body? CRITO: Far more. SOCRATES: Then, my
friend, we must not regard what the many say of us: but what he, the one man who has
understanding of just and unjust, will say, and what the truth will say. And therefore you begin in error when you
advise that we should regard the opinion of the many about just and unjust,
good and evil, honorable and dishonorable.—‘Well,’ some one will say, ‘but the
many can kill us.’ CRITO: Yes,
Socrates; that will clearly be the answer. SOCRATES: And it is
true; but still I find with surprise that the old argument is unshaken as
ever. And I should like to know whether
I may say the same of another proposition—that not life, but a good life, is to
be chiefly valued? CRITO: Yes, that
also remains unshaken. SOCRATES: And a
good life is equivalent to a just and honorable one—that holds also? CRITO: Yes, it
does. SOCRATES: From
these premisses I proceed to argue the question whether I ought or ought not to
try and escape without the consent of the Athenians: and if I am clearly right
in escaping, then I will make the attempt; but if not, I will abstain. The other considerations which you mention,
of money and loss of character and the duty of educating one’s children, are, I
fear, only the doctrines of the multitude, who would be as ready to restore people
to life, if they were able, as they are to put them to death—and with as little
reason. But now, since the argument has
thus far prevailed, the only question which remains to be considered is,
whether we shall do rightly either in escaping or in suffering others to aid in
our escape and paying them in money and thanks, or whether in reality we shall
not do rightly; and if the latter, then death or any other calamity which may ensue
on my remaining here must not be allowed to enter into the calculation. CRITO: I think that
you are right, Socrates; how then shall we proceed? SOCRATES: Let us
consider the matter together, and do you either refute me if you can, and I
will be convinced; or else cease, my dear friend, from repeating to me that I
ought to escape against the wishes of the Athenians: for I highly value your
attempts to persuade me to do so, but I may not be persuaded against my own
better judgment. And now please to
consider my first position, and try how you can best answer me. CRITO: I will. SOCRATES: Are we to
say that we are never intentionally to do wrong, or that in one way we ought
and in another way we ought not to do wrong, or is doing wrong always evil and
dishonorable, as I was just now saying, and as has been already acknowledged by
us? Are all our former admissions which were
made within a few days to be thrown away?
And have we, at our age, been earnestly discoursing with one another all
our life long only to discover that we are no better than children? Or, in spite of the opinion of the many, and
in spite of consequences whether better or worse, shall we insist on the truth
of what was then said, that injustice is always an evil and dishonour to him
who acts unjustly? Shall we say so or
not? CRITO: Yes. SOCRATES: Then we
must do no wrong? CRITO: Certainly
not. SOCRATES: Nor when
injured injure in return, as the many imagine; for we must injure no one at
all? (E.g. compare Rep.) CRITO: Clearly not. SOCRATES: Again,
Crito, may we do evil? CRITO: Surely not,
Socrates. SOCRATES: And what
of doing evil in return for evil, which is the morality of the many—is that
just or not? CRITO: Not just. SOCRATES: For doing
evil to another is the same as injuring him? CRITO: Very true. SOCRATES: Then we
ought not to retaliate or render evil for evil to any one, whatever evil we may
have suffered from him. But I would have
you consider, Crito, whether you really mean what you are saying. For this opinion has never been held, and
never will be held, by any considerable number of persons; and those who are
agreed and those who are not agreed upon this point have no common ground, and
can only despise one another when they see how widely they differ. Tell me, then, whether you agree with and
assent to my first principle, that neither injury nor retaliation nor warding
off evil by evil is ever right. And
shall that be the premiss of our argument?
Or do you decline and dissent from this?
For so I have ever thought, and continue to think; but, if you are of
another opinion, let me hear what you have to say. If, however, you remain of the same mind as
formerly, I will proceed to the next step. CRITO: You may
proceed, for I have not changed my mind. SOCRATES: Then I
will go on to the next point, which may be put in the form of a
question:--Ought a man to do what he admits to be right, or ought he to betray
the right? CRITO: He ought to
do what he thinks right. SOCRATES: But if
this is true, what is the application?
In leaving the prison against the will of the Athenians, do I wrong any?
or rather do I not wrong those whom I ought least to
wrong? Do I not desert the principles
which were acknowledged by us to be just—what do you say? CRITO: I cannot
tell, Socrates, for I do not know. SOCRATES: Then
consider the matter in this way:--Imagine that I am about to play truant (you
may call the proceeding by any name which you like), and the laws and the
government come and interrogate me: ‘Tell
us, Socrates,’ they say; ‘what are you about? are you
not going by an act of yours to overturn us—the laws, and the whole state, as
far as in you lies? Do
you imagine that a state can subsist and not be overthrown, in which the decisions
of law have no power, but are set aside and trampled upon by individuals?’ What will be our answer, Crito, to these and
the like words? Any one, and especially
a rhetorician, will have a good deal to say on behalf of the law which requires
a sentence to be carried out. He will argue
that this law should not be set aside; and shall we reply, ‘Yes; but the state
has injured us and given an unjust sentence.’
Suppose I say that? CRITO: Very good,
Socrates. SOCRATES: ‘And was
that our agreement with you?’ the law would answer; ‘or were you to abide by
the sentence of the state?’ And if I
were to express my astonishment at their words, the law would probably
add: ‘Answer, Socrates, instead of
opening your eyes—you are in the habit of asking and answering questions. Tell us,--What complaint
have you to make against us which justifies you in attempting to destroy
us and the state? In the first place did
we not bring you into existence? Your
father married your mother by our aid and begat you. Say whether you have any objection to urge against
those of us who regulate marriage?’
None, I should reply. ‘Or against
those of us who after birth regulate the nurture and education of children, in
which you also were trained? Were not
the laws, which have the charge of education, right in commanding your father
to train you in music and gymnastic?’
Right, I should reply. ‘Well
then, since you were brought into the world and nurtured and educated by us,
can you deny in the first place that you are our child and slave, as your
fathers were before you? And if this is
true you are not on equal terms with us; nor can you think that you have a
right to do to us what we are doing to you.
Would you have any right to strike or revile or do any other evil to
your father or your master, if you had one, because you have been struck or
reviled by him, or received some other evil at his hands?--you would not say
this? And because we think right to
destroy you, do you think that you have any right to destroy us in return, and
your country as far as in you lies? Will
you, O professor of true virtue, pretend that you are justified in this? Has a philosopher like you failed to discover
that our country is more to be valued and higher and holier far than mother or
father or any ancestor, and more to be regarded in the eyes of the gods and of
men of understanding? also to be soothed, and gently
and reverently entreated when angry, even more than a father, and either to be
persuaded, or if not persuaded, to be obeyed?
And when we are punished by her, whether with imprisonment or stripes,
the punishment is to be endured in silence; and if she lead us to wounds or
death in battle, thither we follow as is right; neither may any one yield or
retreat or leave his rank, but whether in battle or in a court of law, or in
any other place, he must do what his city and his country order him; or he must
change their view of what is just: and
if he may do no violence to his father or mother, much less may he do violence
to his country.’ What answer shall we
make to this, Crito? Do the laws speak
truly, or do they not? CRITO: I think that
they do. SOCRATES: Then the
laws will say: ‘Consider, Socrates, if
we are speaking truly that in your present attempt you are going to do us an
injury. For, having brought you into the
world, and nurtured and educated you, and given you and every other citizen a
share in every good which we had to give, we further proclaim to any Athenian
by the liberty which we allow him, that if he does not like us when he has
become of age and has seen the ways of the city, and made our acquaintance, he
may go where he pleases and take his goods with him. None of us laws will forbid him or interfere
with him. Any one who does not like us
and the city, and who wants to emigrate to a colony or to any other city, may
go where he likes, retaining his property. But he who has experience of the manner in
which we order justice and administer the state, and still remains, has entered
into an implied contract that he will do as we command him. And he who disobeys us is, as we maintain,
thrice wrong: first, because in
disobeying us he is disobeying his parents; secondly, because we are the
authors of his education; thirdly, because he has made an agreement with us
that he will duly obey our commands; and he neither obeys them nor convinces us
that our commands are unjust; and we do not rudely impose them, but give him
the alternative of obeying or convincing us;--that is what we offer, and he does
neither. ‘These are the sort of accusations to which, as we were
saying, you, Socrates, will be exposed if you accomplish your intentions; you,
above all other Athenians.’ Suppose now I ask, why I rather than anybody else? they will justly retort upon me that I above all other men
have acknowledged the agreement. ‘There
is clear proof,’ they will say, ‘Socrates, that we and the city were not
displeasing to you. Of all Athenians you
have been the most constant resident in the city, which, as you never leave,
you may be supposed to love (compare Phaedr.).
For you never went out of the city either to see the games, except once
when you went to the Isthmus, or to any other place unless when you were on
military service; nor did you travel as other men do. Nor had you any curiosity to know other
states or their laws: your affections
did not go beyond us and our state; we were your especial favourites, and you
acquiesced in our government of you; and here in this city you begat your
children, which is a proof of your satisfaction. Moreover, you might in the course of the
trial, if you had liked, have fixed the penalty at banishment; the state which
refuses to let you go now would have let you go then. But you pretended that you preferred death to
exile (compare Apol.), and that you were not unwilling to die. And now you have forgotten these fine
sentiments, and pay no respect to us the laws, of whom you are the destroyer;
and are doing what only a miserable slave would do, running away and turning
your back upon the compacts and agreements which you made as a citizen. And first of all answer this very
question: Are we right in saying that
you agreed to be governed according to us in deed, and not in word only? Is that true or not?’ How shall we answer, Crito? Must we not assent? CRITO: We cannot
help it, Socrates. SOCRATES: Then will
they not say: ‘You, Socrates, are
breaking the covenants and agreements which you made with us at your leisure,
not in any haste or under any compulsion or deception, but after you have had
seventy years to think of them, during which time you were at liberty to leave
the city, if we were not to your mind, or if our covenants appeared to you to be
unfair. You had your choice, and might
have gone either to ‘For just consider, if you transgress and err in this sort
of way, what good will you do either to yourself or to your friends? That your friends will be driven into exile
and deprived of citizenship, or will lose their property, is tolerably certain;
and you yourself, if you fly to one of the neighbouring cities, as, for
example, Thebes or Megara, both of which are well governed, will come to them
as an enemy, Socrates, and their government will be against you, and all
patriotic citizens will cast an evil eye upon you as a subverter of the laws,
and you will confirm in the minds of the judges the justice of their own
condemnation of you. For he who is a
corrupter of the laws is more than likely to be a corrupter of the young and
foolish portion of mankind. Will you then
flee from well-ordered cities and virtuous men? and is
existence worth having on these terms?
Or will you go to them without shame, and talk to them, Socrates? And what will you say to them? What you say here about virtue and justice
and institutions and laws being the best things among men? Would that be decent of you? Surely not. But if you go away from well-governed states to
Crito’s friends in Thessaly, where there is great disorder and licence, they
will be charmed to hear the tale of your escape from prison, set off with
ludicrous particulars of the manner in which you were wrapped in a goatskin or
some other disguise, and metamorphosed as the manner is of runaways; but will
there be no one to remind you that in your old age you were not ashamed to
violate the most sacred laws from a miserable desire of a little more
life? Perhaps not, if you keep them in a
good temper; but if they are out of temper you will hear many degrading things;
you will live, but how?--as the flatterer of all men, and the servant of all
men; and doing what?--eating and drinking in Thessaly, having gone abroad in
order that you may get a dinner. And
where will be your fine sentiments about justice and virtue? Say that you wish to live for the sake of
your children—you want to bring them up and educate them—will you take them into
‘Listen, then, Socrates, to us who have brought you
up. Think not of life and children
first, and of justice afterwards, but of justice first, that you may be
justified before the princes of the world below. For neither will you nor any that belong to
you be happier or holier or juster in this life, or happier in another, if you
do as Crito bids. Now you depart in innocence,
a sufferer and not a doer of evil; a victim, not of the laws, but of men. But if you go forth, returning evil for evil,
and injury for injury, breaking the covenants and agreements which you have
made with us, and wronging those whom you ought least of all to wrong, that is
to say, yourself, your friends, your country, and us, we shall be angry with
you while you live, and our brethren, the laws in the world below, will receive
you as an enemy; for they will know that you have done your best to destroy us. Listen, then, to us and not to Crito.’ This, dear Crito, is the voice which I seem to hear
murmuring in my ears, like the sound of the flute in the ears of the mystic;
that voice, I say, is humming in my ears, and prevents me from hearing any
other. And I know that anything more
which you may say will be vain. Yet
speak, if you have anything to say. CRITO: I have
nothing to say, Socrates. SOCRATES: Leave me
then, Crito, to fulfil the will of God, and to follow whither he leads. |
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